龔鵬程對(duì)話海外學(xué)者第五十九期：在后現(xiàn)代情境中，被技術(shù)統(tǒng)治的人類社會(huì)，只有強(qiáng)化交談、重建溝通倫理，才能獲得文化新生的力量。這不是誰的理論，而是每個(gè)人都應(yīng)實(shí)踐的活動(dòng)。龔鵬程先生遊走世界，并曾主持過“世界漢學(xué)研究中心”。我們會(huì)陸續(xù)推出“龔鵬程對(duì)話海外學(xué)者”系列文章，請(qǐng)他對(duì)話一些學(xué)界有意義的靈魂。范圍不局限于漢學(xué)，會(huì)涉及多種學(xué)科。以期深山長谷之水，四面而出。

布麗吉特·斯特格教授（Dr Brigitte Steger）

劍橋大學(xué)現(xiàn)代日本研究副教授。

龔鵬程教授：您好。您發(fā)展的文化歷史和日常生活人類學(xué)，很有意思。過去，黑澤明拍戲時(shí)，為了確定古代武士吃飯的時(shí)間，很費(fèi)了一番考證。因?yàn)椴煌顺詢刹瓦€是三餐、什么時(shí)候吃，還是很不一樣的。而這些生活細(xì)節(jié)，有時(shí)文獻(xiàn)記載反而不清楚。中國古代詩話經(jīng)常考證詩人杜甫、白居易那時(shí)長安米價(jià)多少錢，即是如此。您研究睡眠時(shí)間，也具有這種意義，可就此聊聊嗎？

布麗吉特·斯特格：龔教授，您好。人們認(rèn)為自己的飲食、睡眠和洗澡習(xí)慣是理所當(dāng)然的，所以他們很少寫到這些習(xí)慣。這樣，從歷史資料中研究日常習(xí)慣就會(huì)非常費(fèi)時(shí)費(fèi)力。盡管每個(gè)人都認(rèn)為它們是自然而然的，但在當(dāng)代社會(huì)，而且在不同的歷史時(shí)段，這些習(xí)慣又是多種多樣的，它們?cè)诤艽蟪潭壬辖沂玖嗣總€(gè)社會(huì)的主要價(jià)值觀。

在許多社會(huì)中，家庭生活都是圍繞著廚房和用餐場所進(jìn)行的。因此，在一千年前的日本文學(xué)名著中，如《枕草子》和《源氏物語》很少提到食物和吃飯的地方，多少有些令人驚訝。相反，正如我在即將出版的關(guān)于平安時(shí)代日本睡眠習(xí)慣的書中所論述的那樣，家庭其實(shí)是圍繞睡眠場所構(gòu)建形成的。

在我的研究中，我發(fā)現(xiàn)貴族女孩在其成年儀式上會(huì)收到一張帷幔床（日語：幾帳）。這種床可以確認(rèn)——或者在某些情況下提升——一個(gè)女孩的社會(huì)地位，并為她的婚姻做準(zhǔn)備。當(dāng)一個(gè)男人追求一個(gè)女人時(shí)，他會(huì)在她的帷幔后面與她交談，經(jīng)過三個(gè)晚上的交流與詩歌對(duì)答后，他們就會(huì)交換誓言。因此，女人的臥室是建立婚姻、生育孩子和度過大量家庭時(shí)間的地方。

這與其他文化中由新郎家庭提供嫁妝的習(xí)俗完全不同。這表明平安時(shí)代的日本貴族家庭有很強(qiáng)的母系因素。盡管有來自中國的父權(quán)制影響，可婚姻往往是由父母為家庭而不是為個(gè)人安排的。

您問到了睡眠時(shí)間。我們常常認(rèn)為，在電燈發(fā)明之前，人們從黃昏睡到黎明，只在有日照的時(shí)間段內(nèi)活動(dòng)。但這并不是真實(shí)的情況。事實(shí)上，有證據(jù)表明，在整個(gè)歷史中，無論是為了工作還是為了娛樂，都有活躍的夜生活，也有許多關(guān)于白天睡眠的故事。

您可能知道，我曾研究過日本的小憩習(xí)慣（日語：居眠り）——就是在做著某件事情的時(shí)候打瞌睡，比如坐火車或參加商務(wù)會(huì)議——而且我發(fā)表在BBC未來頻道的一篇文章已經(jīng)被翻譯成中文。

日本人經(jīng)常以如下方式向我解釋小憩的普遍性：在日本的生活是如此繁忙，以至于我們經(jīng)常疲憊不堪，白天只要有安靜的時(shí)刻就會(huì)忍不住打瞌睡；我們能夠通過這種方式來彌補(bǔ)晚上的睡眠不足，是因?yàn)槿毡臼且粋€(gè)特別安全的國家。然而，通過對(duì)睡眠的歷史研究，我們發(fā)現(xiàn)，自古以來，在旁人在場的環(huán)境中打瞌睡是很常見的，而且從來都不限于生活方式繁忙或生活在安全環(huán)境中的人。

在流行文化中，只有武士被認(rèn)為能夠在睡覺時(shí)保持警惕。在黑澤明的電影《七武士》中，同名的英雄們保護(hù)著一個(gè)農(nóng)民村莊，并在晚上輪流守夜。菊千代自稱是武士，但實(shí)際上他是農(nóng)民出身。其中一個(gè)橋段是他陷入了沉睡，而他的兩位同袍證明了在真正遭遇危險(xiǎn)時(shí)，他是多么不堪一擊。另一方面，作為武士美德的縮影，久藏則常以坐姿擁劍而眠。當(dāng)他察覺到了危險(xiǎn)的來臨，就迅速消失在樹林中，在其他一直醒著的人察覺到聲音之前擊殺襲擊者。這與先前談到的小憩習(xí)慣類似，皆為一種以不完全昏睡的方式獲得睡眠的方式。

People take their eating, sleeping and bathing habits for granted, so they seldom write about them. This makes it very difficult and time consuming to research everyday habits from historical sources. Even though everyone thinks of them as natural, there is great diversity in such habits in contemporary society as well as historically and they reveal much about the key values in each society.

In many societies family life revolves around the kitchen and the dining place. Thus it is somewhat surprising to discover that food and the eating place are seldom mentioned in well-known works of Japanese literature from a thousand years ago, such as The Pillow Book and The Tale of Genji. Instead, as I argue in my forthcoming book on sleep habits in Heian-period Japan, families were constituted in and around the sleeping place. In my research I discovered that aristocratic girls received a curtained bed on the occasion of their coming-of-age ceremony. Such a bed served to confirm – or in some cases to elevate – a girl’s social status and prepare her for marriage. When a man was courting a woman, he would visit her behind her curtains, and after three nights followed by an exchange of poems they would exchange vows. Thus, a woman’s bedroom was the place in which a marriage was established, children created and much family time was spent. This is quite different from the custom of a dowry given to the bridegroom’s family in other cultures. It shows that there was a strong matrilineal element to aristocratic families in Heian Japan, despite the patriarchal influence from China and the fact that marriages were often arranged by parents for the sake of the family rather than the individual.

You asked about sleep times. We often assume that before the invention of electric light people slept from dusk to dawn and stayed awake throughout the hours of daylight. But this is not the true picture. There is, in fact, evidence of an active nightlife throughout history, both for work and for pleasure, and also many stories about daytime sleep.

You may be aware that I have studied the habit of inemuri in Japan – dozing off while officially doing something else, such as riding on a train or attending a business meeting – and that one of my articles which was published on BBC Future has been translated into Chinese. Japanese people have often explained the prevalence of inemuri to me in the following way: Life in Japan is so busy that we are constantly exhausted and cannot help dozing off during the day whenever there is a quiet moment; we are able to make up for lack of sleep at night in this way because Japan is such a safe country. However, through studying sleep historically, it has become evident that dozing off in the company of others has been common since ancient times and has never been restricted to people with busy lifestyles or those living in a safe environment.

In popular culture, it is only the samurai who are believed to be able to stay alert while asleep. In Kurosawa’s film ‘The Seven Samurai’ the eponymous heroes protect a peasant village and take turns to keep watch at night. Kikuchiyo, who claims to be a samurai but is actually of peasant stock, falls into a deep sleep and two of his comrades demonstrate how easily he could be overcome in the event of a real attack. Kyūzō, on the other hand, as the epitome of samurai virtue, sleeps in the sitting position while embracing his sword. He senses approaching danger and quickly disappears into the woods and kills the attackers before the others, who have been awake, have detected a sound. Inemuri is a way to catch some shut-eye without withdrawing completely.

龔鵬程教授：我覺得中國人和日本人的文化歷史，和日常生活是息息相關(guān)的。例如吃飯，三餐性質(zhì)不同，會(huì)分開處理，吃的東西不一樣。睡覺，早、午、晚也不同。吃藥，尤其慎重，早或晚、飯前還是飯后，都不同。也就是要考慮生活之物的“時(shí)間性”。

一天如此，擴(kuò)大到一月或一年，那就更講究，以至于非常強(qiáng)調(diào)“月令之學(xué)”。令，就是生活的號(hào)令、規(guī)律。事實(shí)上，這也是了解中國和日本人日常生活的總綱領(lǐng)，目前日本比中國保存得還好。您在這方面，有何觀察？

布麗吉特·斯特格教授：在七世紀(jì)，日本政府引進(jìn)了基于中國唐朝法律和法典的律令管理制度。這包括引入一套日歷和時(shí)間系統(tǒng)，以十二生肖與陰陽五行的干支組合為基礎(chǔ)。因此，日本成為中國宇宙論的一部分，基于時(shí)間計(jì)算的占卜對(duì)宮廷中人們的日常生活產(chǎn)生了重大影響。此外，文官必須學(xué)習(xí)中國的經(jīng)典，以及數(shù)學(xué)、天文學(xué)和歷法學(xué)。

然而，在實(shí)踐中，日本的行政管理模式很快就與更嚴(yán)格的中國制度產(chǎn)生了分歧。日本貴族對(duì)科學(xué)沒有表現(xiàn)出極大的熱情，往往把掌握這種技能的工作留給下層。相反，他們更喜歡對(duì)美的追求，他們經(jīng)常在詩歌中表達(dá)這種追求。吃飯和睡覺等日常活動(dòng)很少按照官方公布的十二時(shí)辰來安排，人們更關(guān)注其他的報(bào)時(shí)信號(hào)。

例如，早晨的第一聲雞鳴標(biāo)志著一天的開始，也標(biāo)志著與情人過夜的男人應(yīng)該回家了。人們喜歡在一年中觀察自然界——無論是花、雪還是螢火蟲——并根據(jù)季節(jié)變化更換他們的衣服。

In the seventh century, the Japanese government introduced the ritsuryō system of administration based on the laws and codes of Tang China. This included the introduction of a calendar and time system based on a sexagenary cycle of zodiacs and basic elements. Thus Japan became part of the Chinese cosmology with divination based on time calculations exerting a significant influence on people’s daily lives at court. In addition, civil servants had to study the Chinese classics, as well as mathematics, astronomy and calendar science.

However, in practice the Japanese model of administration soon came to diverge from the more rigorous Chinese system. Japanese aristocrats displayed no great enthusiasm for science and often left the mastery of such skills to the lower ranks. Instead, they preferred the pursuit of beauty, which they often expressed in their poetry. Everyday activities such as eating and sleeping were rarely scheduled according to the officially announced zodiac hours and people paid more attention to other time signals. For instance, it was the first cock’s crow in the morning that signalled the start of the day and the time when a man who had spent the night with his lover should return home. People loved to observe the natural world throughout the year – be it blossoms, the snow or fireflies – and they adjusted their clothes to the changing seasons.

龔鵬程教授：您提到：災(zāi)難之后，可以通過重構(gòu)傳統(tǒng)家庭組織和日常活動(dòng)來恢復(fù)心理正常。這也是很有趣的。因?yàn)閿U(kuò)大到社會(huì)也常這樣，例如戰(zhàn)爭、社會(huì)劇烈轉(zhuǎn)型，都常引生傳統(tǒng)倫理的回歸。例如中國改革開放以來，經(jīng)濟(jì)生活愈來愈好，老一輩人愈不滿，期待倫理回歸愈甚。

可是，這從個(gè)人說，可能是要經(jīng)由重建傳統(tǒng)威權(quán)秩序以“恢復(fù)正常”。從國家或社會(huì)說，卻可能是重新強(qiáng)化了威權(quán)組織與秩序。您覺得我們?cè)摓榇藫?dān)憂嗎？

布麗吉特·斯特格教授：撇除災(zāi)難或戰(zhàn)爭等突如其來會(huì)威脅生命的情況之外，無法知曉未來的生活狀態(tài)是會(huì)產(chǎn)生極大的不安全感的。人們有強(qiáng)烈的愿望建立確定性，并經(jīng)常表達(dá)了對(duì)“恢復(fù)正常”的期許，即使這種 "正常 "并不那么盡如人意。也顯然，人們似乎回到了更古樸、更保守的傳統(tǒng)或美德體系中，這是事實(shí)。

例如，性別不平等在危機(jī)中往往會(huì)變得更加明顯。2011年3月日本發(fā)生海嘯災(zāi)難后，女性失去工作的比例高于男性，因?yàn)樗齻儍A向于在當(dāng)?shù)毓ぷ鳎齻兊墓ぷ鲌鏊淮輾А?/p>

政治強(qiáng)化了這一趨勢。清理廢墟和開始重建城鎮(zhèn)創(chuàng)造了新的工作機(jī)會(huì)，但這些工作主要是為男性提供的，而女性則主要從事照顧家庭和社區(qū)的無償工作。

同樣的情況也可在新冠疫情期間看到，"在家工作 "的婦女在照顧不能上學(xué)的孩子方面往往比她們的丈夫發(fā)揮更大的作用。

衛(wèi)生/清潔/整潔與社會(huì)秩序之間總是存在著密切的關(guān)系。當(dāng)我研究海嘯疏散庇護(hù)所的日常生活時(shí)，我觀察到正是清潔與烹飪等這類日常程序幫助人們重新掌控他們的生活；這些活動(dòng)并沒有使他們的房屋和城鎮(zhèn)恢復(fù)原狀，但它們讓人們知道如何戰(zhàn)勝生活中的小挑戰(zhàn)。

在疫情中，衛(wèi)生習(xí)慣主要用于保護(hù)人們的健康和維護(hù)社會(huì)秩序，但它們也有可能被當(dāng)局濫用，成為對(duì)人們的生活施加更大控制的手段。我們必須對(duì)此保持高度警惕。

Apart from the immediate threat to life during a disaster or war, not knowing how one can live in the future is extremely disconcerting. People have a strong desire to establish certainty and often express the wish to ‘return to normal,’ even when their ‘normal’ was not so great. It is certainly true that people seem to return to older, more conservative structures and virtues. For instance, gender inequality tends to become more pronounced in a crisis. After the March 2011 tsunami disaster in Japan, a greater proportion of women lost their jobs than men, as they tended to work locally and their workplaces had been destroyed. Politics reinforced this trend. New jobs were created to clear the rubble and begin rebuilding the towns, but these were primarily for men while women did the mostly unpaid work of caring for the household and community. The same trend can be seen during the coronavirus pandemic with women who are ‘working from home’ often playing a greater role than their husbands in looking after children who cannot attend school.

There is always an intimate relationship between sanitation/cleanliness/orderliness and social order. When I studied daily life in tsunami evacuation shelters, I observed that cleaning routines and cooking helped people to regain control of their lives; such activities did not bring back their houses and towns, but they were small challenges that people knew how to master. In the case of the pandemic, sanitation practices are primarily used to protect people’s health and preserve social order, but they are also open to abuse by the authorities as a means of exerting greater control over people’s lives. We have to be very vigilant about this.

龔鵬程，1956年生于臺(tái)北，臺(tái)灣師范大學(xué)博士，當(dāng)代著名學(xué)者和思想家。著作已出版一百五十多本。

辦有大學(xué)、出版社、雜志社、書院等，并規(guī)劃城市建設(shè)、主題園區(qū)等多處。講學(xué)于世界各地。并在北京、上海、杭州、臺(tái)北、巴黎、日本、澳門等地舉辦過書法展。現(xiàn)為中國孔子博物館名譽(yù)館長、美國龔鵬程基金會(huì)主席。